COPY.
29
Paragraph 3.
Assuming Hong Kong's imports: exports
4 3, as has recently been the approximate proportion,
this gives the following percentages of total trade:-
Imports for consumption in Hong Kong
(i) from Chinese countries
(ii) from non
*
5%
14%
Exports of Hong Kong produce and
manufacture.
4%
Chinese coastal trade passing through
Hong Kong.
8%
Non-Chinese entrepot trade.
17%
Chinese external trade.
52%
(a) "The
external trade would be little affected".
(b) Hong Kong imports would cost more.
(c) Hong Kong export of local manufactures would be helped.
Coastal trade.
Non-Chinese entrepot trade would be hindered.
Paragraphs 4 & 6(a). This argument assumes that a
free port zone would not be maintained, and is not relevant
to Sir. F. Leith-Ross' proposal, which assumed that it could.
6(b). This, and the later remarks on the same
subject, ignore the fact that duty paid on Hong Kong's
retained imports would go to the Hong Kong Government.
Unless therefore they made this an excuse for increased
expenditure, there would be a corresponding relief to the
Hong Kong community which should largely counterbalance
any reduction in Hong Kong's power of competition.
6(c). This, I think, is the main ground on which
Hong Kong would favour a Customs Union, if it can be
introduced and maintained.
6(a). This, on the figures given above, represents
only 8% of the total trade of Hong Kong.
6(e). It is not clear why there should be any damage
at all, if adequate Free Port facilities are maintained.
It is rather for the Foreign Office than the
Colonial Office to say whether the Japanese could
effectively
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